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1. SEOUL-In the history of South Korea¡¯s fight for democracy, the 1980 uprising in Gwangju stands out as one of the proudest moments. Thousands of ordinary citizens took to the streets to protest a military dictatorship, and hundreds were shot down by security forces. The bloody incident has been sanctified in textbooks as the ¡°Gwangju Democratization Movement¡±
¹ÎÁÖȸ¦ À§ÇÑ Çѱ¹ÀÇ ÅõÀï»çµé Áß¿¡¼ 1980³âÀÇ ±¤ÁÖºÀ±â´Â °¡Àå ÀÚ¶û½º·¯¿î ¼ø°£ µé Áß Çϳª¿´´Ù. ¼öõ ¸íÀÇ ½Ã¹ÎµéÀÌ ±º»çµ¶Àç¿¡ Ç×°ÅÇϱâ À§ÇØ °Å¸®·Î ³ª¿Ô°í, ¼ö¹é ¸íÀÇ ½Ã¹ÎµéÀÌ °è¾ö±º ÃÑź¿¡ ¾²·¯Á³´Ù. ÀÌ ÇÇÀÇ ¼ø°£Àº ±³°ú¼¿¡ ÀÚ¶û½º·¯¿î ±¤ÁÖ¹ÎÁÖȿÀ¸·Î ½Å¼º½ÃµÅ ÀÖ´Ù.
2. Right-wing extremists, however, have offered an alternative, highly inflammatory view of what happened: Gwangju, they say, was not a heroic sacrifice for democracy, but a ¡°riot¡± instigated by North Korean communists who had infiltrated the protest movement. Such conspiracy theories, which few historians take seriously, have been spreading quickly in South Korea, where a political divide-rooted in the country¡¯s torturous and often violent modern history- is being amplified on line.
¹Ý¸é ±Ø¿ìÁÖÀÇÀÚµéÀº ±¤ÁÖÀÇ Áø»ó¿¡ ´ëÇØ ¸Å¿ì ÀÚ±ØÀûÀÎ ½Ã°¢À» ³»³õ°í ÀÖ´Ù. ±¤ÁÖ»ç°ÇÀº ¹ÎÁÖȸ¦ À§ÇÑ ±¤ÁÖÀÇ Èñ»ý»ç°ÇÀÌ ¾Æ´Ï¶ó ±¤ÁÖÀÇ ÀúÇ׿¿¡ ºÏÇÑ °ø»êÁÖÀÇÀÚµéÀÌ Ä§ÅõÇÏ¿© À¯¹ß½ÃŲ Æøµ¿À̶ó°í ÁÖÀåÇÑ´Ù. ¼Ò¼öÀÇ »çÇÐÀÚµéÀÌ ÁøÁöÇÏ°Ô °ßÁöÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Â ÀÌ ºÏÇÑÀ½¸ð·ÐÀº Çѱ¹»çȸ¿¡ ¸Å¿ì ºü¸¥ ¼Óµµ·Î È®»êµÇ°í ÀÖ´Ù. Çѱ¹»çȸ´Â Á¤Ä¡ÀûÀ¸·Î ºÐ¿µÅ ÀÖÀ¸¸ç ÀÌ´Â °íÅ뽺·¯¿ü°í Æø·ÂÀûÀ̾ú´ø Çö´ë»ç¿¡ ±× »Ñ¸®¸¦ µÎ°í ÀÖ´Ù. ¹Ù·Î ÀÌ·± ȯ°æ¿¡¼ ±¤ÁÖ»çÅ´ ºÏÇÑÀÌ Ä§ÅõÇÑ Æøµ¿À̶ó´Â À½¸ð·ÐÀÌ ¿Â¶óÀÎÀ» Ÿ°í ÁõÆøµÇ°í ÀÖ´Ù.
3. President Moon Jae-in¡¯s governing party has rolled out a slate of legislation, some of which has already become law, aimed at stamping out false narratives about certain sensitive historical topics, including Gwangju, His supporters say he is protecting the truth, Free speech advocates, and Mr. Moon¡¯s conservative enemies, have accused the president of using censorship and history as political weapons.
À½¸ð·ÐÀ» Â÷´ÜÇϱâ À§ÇØ ¿©´çÀº ÀÔ¹ý¼ö´ÜÀ» Àü°³ÇÏ°í ÀÖ°í, ±×Áß ¿©·¯ °³´Â ÀÌ¹Ì ¹ý·ü·Î ÀüȯµÇ¾î ÀÖ´Ù. ±× ¸ñÀûÀº ±¤ÁÖ¸¦ Æ÷ÇÔÇÔ ¹Î°¨ÇÑ ¿ª»ç»ç°Ç¿¡ ´ëÇØ °¡Â¥ ÁÖÀåÀ» Æì´Â »ç¶÷µéÀ» ź¾ÐÇϱâ À§ÇÑ °ÍÀÌ´Ù. ÀÌ·¯ÇÑ ¹ý·üÀû ¼ö´Ü¿¡ ÀÇÇÑ Åº¾ÐÀ» ÁöÁöÇÏ´Â »ç¶÷µéÀº ¹ý·üÀû ź¾ÐÀÌ Áø½ÇÀ» º¸È£Çϱâ À§ÇÑ °ÍÀ̶ó°í ÁÖÀåÇÑ´Ù. ÇÏÁö¸¸ Ç¥ÇöÀÇ ÀÚÀ¯¸¦ ÁöÁöÇÏ´Â »ç¶÷µé°ú ¹®Á¤ºÎ¸¦ ¹Ý´ëÇÏ´Â »ç¶÷µéÀº ¹®´ëÅë·ÉÀÌ °Ë¿¼ö´Ü°ú ¿ª»ç¸¦ Á¤Ä¡Àû ¹«±â·Î ¾Ç¿ëÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Ù°í ºñ³ÇÑ´Ù.
4. Whether I am right or wrong should be decided through free public debate, the engine of democracy, ¡°said Jee Man-won, a leading proponent of the theory of North Korean involvement in Gwangju, ¡±Instead , the government is using its power to dictate history.¡°
5.18ÀÌ ºÏÇÑ°øÀÛÀÓÀ» ÁÖÀåÇÏ´Â »ç¶÷µé Áß °¡Àå ¾ÕÀå¼± Áö¸¸¿ø¾¾´Â ¡±³»°¡ ¿ÇÀ¸³Ä ±×¸£³Ä¿¡ ´ëÇÑ ÆÇ´ÜÀº ¹ÎÁÖÁÖÀǸ¦ µ¹¸®´Â ¿£ÁøÀÎ °ø·ÐÀÇ Àå¿¡¼ °ø°³ Åä·Ð¿¡ ÀÇÇØ ÀÌ·ç¾îÁ®¾ß Çϴµ¥ ÀÌ¿Í´Â ¹Ý´ë·Î Á¤ºÎ´Â ¿ª»ç¸¦ ÀÚ±â½Ä´ë·Î °Á¡Çϱâ À§ÇØ ±Ç·ÂÀ» ³²¿ëÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Ù¡°°í ÁÖÀåÇÑ´Ù.
5. South Korea has long prided itself on its commitment to free speech, but it is also a country where going against the mainstream can have steep consequences. Historical issues, like collaboration with Japanese or colonialists or wartime civilian massacres, have divided the country for decades. Defamationis a criminal offense. Under the bills pushed by Mr. Moon¡¯s party, promoting revisionist narratives about sensitive subjects like Gwangju or ¡°comfort women¡±- Korean sex slaves for Japan¡¯s World War ¥±army-could also be a crime.
Çѱ¹Àº ¿À·§µ¿¾È Ç¥ÇöÀÇ ÀÚÀ¯¿¡ ¼¾àÇØ¿Ô°í, ±×°ÍÀ» ÇÁ¶óÀ̵å·Î ¿©°Ü¿Ô´Ù. ¹Ý¸é ´ë¼¼¿¡ ¿ªÇàÇϴ ǥÇöÀ» ÇÏ´Â »ç¶÷µé¿¡°Ô´Â °íÅ뽺·± °á°ú¸¦ ¾È°ÜÁÖ´Â ±¹°¡À̱⵵ Çß´Ù. Ä£ÀÏ ÇàÀ§³ª ÀüÀï Çлì°ú °°Àº ¿ª»çÀû À̽´µéÀº Çѱ¹ »çȸ¸¦ ¼ö½Ê ³â µ¿¾È ºÐ¿½ÃÄÑ ¿Ô´Ù. ¸í¿¹ÈѼÕÀº ¹üÁË´Ù. ¹®ÀçÀο¡ ÀÇÇØ °¿äµÈ ¹ý·üÀû µ£ÀÌ ÀÛ¿ëÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Â Áö±Ý, ±¤ÁÖ¿Í À§¾ÈºÎ µî ¹Î°¨ÇÑ ÁÖÁ¦¿¡ ´ëÇØ ¼öÁ¤ÁÖÀÇÀû °ßÇظ¦ Ç¥¸íÇÏ´Â ÇàÀ§´Â »ç¹ýÀû ¹üÁËÇàÀ§°¡ µÉ ¼ö ÀÖ´Ù.
6. With the crackdown on misinformation, Mr. Moon is living up to a campaign promise to give Gwangju its rightful place in history, But by criminalizing so-called ¡°historical distortions, ¡±he is also stepping into a political minefield.
¹®ÀçÀÎÀº ±×°¡ ¼±°ÅÀü¿¡¼ ±¤ÁÖ°¡ ¿ª»ç»ó Á¦ ÀÚ¸®¸¦ Â÷ÁöÇÒ ¼ö ÀÖµµ·Ï ÇÏ°Ú´Ù°í ´ÙÁüÇß´ø ¾à¼ÓÀ» °¡Â¥Á¤º¸¸¦ ź¾ÐÇÏ´Â ¹æ¹ýÀ¸·Î ÀÌÇàÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Ù. ¹Ý¸é ±×´Â À̸¥¹Ù ¡®¿ª»ç¿Ö°î¡¯À» ¹üÁËÇàÀ§·Î ´Ù½º¸®°Ô ÇÔÀ¸·Î½á À§ÇèÇÑ Á¤Ä¡Àû Áö·Ú¹çÀ¸·Î ÁøÀÔÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Ù.
7. The Korean History Society and 20 other historical research institutes issued a joint statement last month warning that Mr. Moon¡¯s progressive government, which presents itself as a champion of the democratic values secured through sacrifices like Gwangju, was actually undermining them by using the threat of criminal penalties to dictate history.
Çѱ¹ ¿ª»çÇÐȸ¿Í ¶Ç ´Ù¸¥ 20°³ÀÇ ¿ª»ç¿¬±¸ ±â°üÀÌ Áö³ ´Þ °øµ¿¼º¸íÀ» ³Â´Ù.½º½º·Î¸¦ ±¤ÁÖÀÇ Èñ»ýÀ» ÅëÇØ ¹ÎÁÖÁÖÀÇ °¡Ä¡¸¦ âÁ¶ÇÑ Ã¨ÇǾðÀ̶ó°í ÀÚóÇÑ ¹®ÀçÀÎ Á¤ºÎ°¡ ¹ÎÁÖÁÖÀÇ¿Í´Â Á¤¹Ý´ë·Î »ç¹ýÀû ó¹úÀ̶ó´Â Çù¹Ú¼ö´ÜÀ» ÅëÇØ ¿ª»ç¸¦ °Á¡ÇÔÀ¸·Î½á ½º½º·ÎÀÇ ¹ß¹ØÀ» ÆÄ°í ÀÖ´Ù°í °æ°íÇß´Ù.
8. A law sponsored by Mr. Moon¡¯s party, which took effect in January, mandates up to five years in prison for people who spread ¡°falsehoods¡± about Gwangju. The party¡¯s lawmakers also submitted a bill in May that calls for up to 10 years in prison for those who praise Japan¡¯s colonial rule of Korea from 1910 to 1945. The bill would set up a panel of experts on ¡°truthful history¡± to detect distortions- and order corrections- in interpretations of sensitive historical topics, including killings of civilians during the Korean War and human rights violations under past military dictators.
¿©´çÀÌ ÁÖ¼±ÇÏ¿© Áö³ 1¿ùºÎÅÍ ¹ý·üÀû È¿·ÂÀ» ¹ßÈÖÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Â ÇÑ ¹ý·üÀº ±¤ÁÖ¿¡ ´ëÇØ ÇãÀ§»ç½ÇÀ» Æ۶߸®´Â »ç¶÷¿¡°Ô 5³â ÀÌÇÏÀÇ Â¡¿ªÇüÀ» ºÎ°úÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Ù. ÀÌ¿¡ ´õÇØ ¿©´ç ÀÇ¿øµéÀº Áö³ 5¿ù, 1910~1945³â µ¿¾ÈÀÇ ÀϺ» ÅëÄ¡¸¦ Âù¾çÇÏ´Â ÀÚ¿¡°Ô´Â 10³â ÀÌÇÏÀÇ Â¡¿ª¿¡ óÇÑ´Ù´Â ¹ý¾ÈÀ» ¹ßÀÇÇß´Ù. ÀÌ ¹ý¾ÈÀº [Áø½ÇÇÑ ¿ª»ç]¿¡ ´ëÇÑ Àü¹®À§¿øȸ¸¦ ¼³Ä¡ÇÏ¿© 6.25ÀÇ ¾ç¹ÎÇлì°ú ±º»ç µ¶ÀçÀڵ鿡 ÀÇÇÑ ÀαÇÀ¯¸° ÇàÀ§ µî ¹Î°¨ÇÑ ¿ª»ç À̽´µé¿¡ ´ëÇØ °¢ ¼º°ÝÀ» ±ÔÁ¤ÄÉ ÇÔÀ¸·Î½á ¿Ö°îÀ» ŽÁöÄÉ ÇÏ°í ½ÃÁ¤¸í·ÉÀ» ³»¸®µµ·Ï ÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Ù.
9. It¡¯s a populist approach to history, appealing to widespread anti-Japanese sentiment to consolidate their political power,¡°said Kim Jeong-in, head of the Korean History Society, referring to the bill on Japanese colonial rule. ¡±Who¡¯s going to study colonial-era history it their research results are judged at a court of law?¡°
¿ª»çÇÐȸ ȸÀå ±èÁ¾ÀÎÀº Ä£ÀÏ ¹ß¾ð¿¡ ´ëÇÑ Ã³¹ú¹ý¾È¿¡ ´ëÇÏ¿©, ¹ÝÀÏ °¨Á¤Àº ¹®ÀçÀÎÀÌ Á¤Ä¡ ±Ç·ÂÀ» °ø°íȽÃÅ°±â À§ÇØ È®»ê½ÃÅ°°í ÀÖ´Â Àα⠿µÇÕ ¼ö´ÜÀ̶ó°í ºñ³Çß´Ù. ¡±¸¸ÀÏ ÇÐÀÚµéÀÇ ¿¬±¸ °á°ú°¡ ¹ýÁ¤¿¡¼ ½ÉÆÇ¹Þ°Ô µÈ´Ù¸é ±× ´©°¡ ÀÏÁ¦ ¿ª»ç¸¦ ¿¬±¸ÇÏ·Á Çϰڴ°¡?¡°
10. ¡±As if our loss of siblings and parents was not painful enough, they have been vilifying us as stooges of North Korean agents,¡° said Cho Young-dae, a nephew of the late Cho Pius, a Catholic priest in Gwangju who participated in the uprising and testified years later about the killings. ¡±They have abused the freedom of expression to add insult to our injury.¡°
Á¶ºñ¿À ½ÅºÎÀÇ Á¶Ä« Á¶¿µ´ë ½ÅºÎ´Â ¡±ÀúµéÀº ¿ì¸®ÀÇ ÇüÁ¦ÀÚ¸Å¿Í ºÎ¸ðµéÀÇ ¾ÆÇÄÀ» Æò°¡ÀýÇÏÇÏ¸é¼ ¿ì¸®¸¦ ºÏÇÑÀÇ ¾ÕÀâÀ̶ó°í ºñ³ÇÑ´Ù. ±×µéÀº Ç¥ÇöÀÇ ÀÚÀ¯¸¦ ¾Ç¿ëÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Ù¡°°í ÁÖÀåÇÑ´Ù.
11. Mr. Cho, who is also a priest, said Gwangju survivors had suffered too long while people like Mr. Jee spread false information about the massacre. ¡°We need a South Korean version of the Holocaust law to punish those who beautify the Gwangju atrocity, as European countries have laws against Holocaust denial, ¡±he said.
Á¶¿µ´ë ½ÅºÎ´Â Áö¸¸¿øÀÌ °è¾ö±ºÀÇ Áý´ÜÇлì ÇàÀ§¿¡ ´ëÇØ °¡Â¥Á¤º¸¸¦ È®»êÇÔÀ¸·Î ÀÎÇØ ±¤ÁÖ »ýÁ¸ÀÚµéÀº ³Ê¹«³ª ¿À·§µ¿¾È °íÅëÀ» ´çÇØ¿Ô´Ù°í ÁÖÀåÇß´Ù. À¯·´±¹°¡µéÀÌ È¦·ÎÄÚ½ºÆ® ºÎÀÎÀÚµéÀ» ó¹úÇϵíÀÌ ¿ì¸®µµ ±¤ÁÖÀÇ ÀÜÇÐÇàÀ§¸¦ ¹ÌÈÇÏ´Â ÀÚµéÀ» ó¹úÇÏ´Â ¹ýÀ» ¸¸µé¾î¾ß ÇÑ´Ù°í ÁÖÀåÇÑ´Ù.
12. Yet Mr. Jee says there are progressive who harbor communist views threaten the country¡¯s democratic values.
ÇÏÁö¸¸ Áö¾¾´Â ¹ÎÁÖÁÖÀÇ °¡Ä¡¸¦ À§ÇùÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Â ÀÚµéÀº º»ÀÎÀÌ ¾Æ´Ï¶ó ¹Ù·Î ºÏÇÑ½Ä °ø»êÁÖÀÇ ½Ã°¢À» °¡Áø ¹®ÀçÀÎ Áø¿µÀÇ Áøº¸ÁÖÀÇÀÚµéÀ̶ó°í ÁÖÀåÇÑ´Ù.
13. Much of this debate is being carried out online, where some highly partisan podcasters and YouTubers have as many viewers as national television programs do.
ÀÌ ¶ß°Å¿î ³í¶õÀº ¹«½ÃÇÒ ¼ö ¾ø´Â ¿Â¶óÀÎ ¼ö´ÜÀ» ÅëÇØ È®»êµÇ°í ÀÖ´Ù. ÀÎÅÍ³Ý ÄÜÅÙÃ÷ Á¦ÀÛÀÚµé(ÆÌij½ºÅÍ)°ú À¯Æ©ºêµéÀº ±¹°¡ ´ÜÀ§ ¹æ¼Û±¹ ½ÃûÀÚµé°ú µ¿µîÇÑ ½Ãû·üÀ» °¡Áö°í ÀÖ´Ù.
14. Ideally, conspiracy theories and irrational ideas should be dismissed or marginalized through the market of public opinion,¡° said Park Sang-hoon, chief political scientist at the Political scientist at the Political Power Plant a Seoul-based civic group. ¡±But they have become part of the political agenda here.¡° Mainstream media is ¡±helping them gain legitimacy,¡° he said.
¡±ÀÌ»óÀûÀ̶ó¸é À½¸ð·Ð°ú ºñ³í¸®Àû »ý°¢µéÀº °ø·ÐÀÇ ½ÃÀåÀ» ÅëÇØ µµÅÂµÅ¾ß ÇÑ´Ù. ÇÏÁö¸¸ ÀÌ ÁÖÁ¦´Â ÀÌ¹Ì Á¤Ä¡ »ç¾ÈÀÌ µÅ¹ö·È´Ù. ±×¸®°í ÁÖ·ù¾ð·ÐµéÀÌ ÀúµéÀ» ÇÕ¹ýȽÃÄÑÁÖ°í ÀÖ´Ù.¡° ¼¿ï ¼ÒÀçÀÇ Á¤Ä¡ÇÐȸ ȸÀå ¹Ú»óÈÆÀÇ ÁÖÀåÀÌ´Ù.
15. But Mr. Jee said his experience voicing nonconformist historical views should be a warning to South Koreans. In 2002, he placed a newspaper advertisement claiming that Gwangju was a secret North Korean operation. He was subsequently hauled to Gwangju in handcuffs and jailed for 100 days on defamation charges, until his prison term was eventually suspended. He has since published 10 books on Gwangju and fought more defamation prosecutions. Although critics accused him of pedding wild conspiracy theories, his view has drawn a following.
¡°If they didn¡¯t treat me the way they did in 2002, I would not have come this far,¡± he said.
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